Wednesday, September 27, 2006

From CQ.com:House GOP Leaders Block Homeland Spending Bill

House GOP Leaders Block Homeland Spending Bill
    House Republican leaders today said they will hold up the final fiscal 2007 Homeland Security spending bill unless it includes key House immigration initiatives as well as changes to language concerning travel restrictions and drug re-importation.
    “We’re going to wait until we get the right things in them,” Speaker J. Dennis Hastert, R-Ill., said in an interview.
    Hastert dug in just as House and Senate appropriators were preparing to file their conference report on the spending bill. It was the second time this week he has blocked action on a major bill in an attempt to force the Senate to accept House-passed initiatives that it’s resisting.
    Earlier this week, Hastert vowed to hold up the final fiscal 2007 defense authorization bill unless it includes provisions relating to court security and gangs that he said senators had pledged to pass this year.
    Final action on the Homeland Security spending bill, which carries $31.9 billion in discretionary funding and $1.8 billion in emergency funding for border security, is now threatened by Hastert’s holdup.
 
 

Friday, September 22, 2006

Washington Times:Immigration and security, by Tom Ridge

 

The Washington Times
www.washingtontimes.com
Immigration and security
By Tom Ridge
Published September 10, 2006
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At a young age, I learned all work has dignity. My father taught me that invaluable lesson, and I understood it clearly after working several different labor-intensive jobs as a young man. Like most fathers and sons, mothers and daughters, we are blessed with the birthright of citizenship because our ancestors saw America as we still want to see America now -- a welcoming society that thrives on the diversity of ideas and hard work of a nation comprised of many peoples.
    Over the last several months, the immigration debate has shown a spotlight on people who have come to this country illegally or refused to leave as they promised. The majority of these people work hard at jobs that many Americans prefer not to do. The construction laborers, the health-care assistants, the cleaning crews, the hospitality workers -- these individuals contribute daily to the economy and continuity of the American way of life. Their work has value; it has dignity; their work ethic is commendable. Yet they are here by unlawful means in a country that asks its citizens to respect and uphold the rule of law. There is no getting around that notion, so the debate we are engaged in presently is a good and necessary one. However, a solution based solely on enforcement is not.
    Without question, enforcement is an important and vital component of the immigration piece. During my tenure at Homeland Security, we moved aggressively to mend decades of lax border control. Overall border enforcement spending rose nearly 60 percent. We increased the number of Border Patrol agents by 40 percent. We deployed sophisticated detection equipment, including unmanned aerial vehicles and sensors. We created a single agency, U.S. Customs and Border Protection (CBP), that could devote its primary mission to securing our borders and another, U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE), that devoted its people to enforcing our immigration laws within our country.
    We deployed a pivotal entry-exit immigration enforcement system, US-VISIT, that has enrolled more than 50 million travelers and identified more than 1,000 criminals and inadmissible aliens. We began using Expedited Removal to deter illegal entry by non-Mexicans and to maximize use of available detention beds.
    We achieved a record number of deportations. We integrated legacy databases to identify tens of thousands of persons arrested or wanted by federal or local law enforcement. And we reduced the backlog of benefit applications by more than two-thirds to encourage people to use legal channels to come to the United States. My successor, Michael Chertoff, has continued this record of enforcement, including an expansion of Expedited Removal, increased crackdowns on employers and the Secure Border Initiative procurement.
    Here's the rub: All these accomplishments have been made by swimming upstream against the tide of illegal migrants and visa overstayers who have had few if any legal options to work in the United States. Trying to gain operational control of the borders is impossible unless our enhanced enforcement efforts are coupled with a robust Temporary Guest Worker program and a means to entice those now working illegally out of the shadows into some type of legal status.
    Yes, we need to continue to do more at the border. We need to continue deploying US-VISIT to track the entry and exit of foreign guests legally entering the country, since at least 40 percent of our illegal population arrived legally to start. Additionally, much-needed budgetary enhancements will allow CBP and Border Patrol to hire more inspectors and agents and provide the technological support those dedicated individuals need.
    These proposals would bring our enforcement capabilities to the level Americans deserve. However, even a well-designed, generously funded enforcement regimen will not work if we don't change the immigration and labor laws that regulate how would-be workers can come to the United States. Moreover, once we create a lawful means for Mexican workers to transit our border, their government can no longer avoid its obligation to protect the integrity of our mutual border and an immigration system that protects their citizens.
    With each passing year, our country's shifting demographics leaves a shrinking number of workers, especially at the less-skilled end of the economy. Entire industries in a growing number of urban and rural areas depend on large illegal populations. Existing law allows only a fraction of these workers to enter the country legally, though our unemployment rate has fallen below 5 percent.
    This labor market entices thousands of individuals, most from Mexico, to cross our border or remain after a temporary visa expires. The Department of Homeland Security apprehends roughly 1 million migrants illegally entering the United States each year, but perhaps 500,000 succeed in crossing or refusing to leave on time.
    Thus, border enforcement will continue to fail so long as we refuse to allow willing workers a chance to work legally for a willing employer. The current flow of illegal immigrants and visa overstayers has made it extremely difficult for our border and interior enforcement agencies to focus on terrorists, organized criminals and violent felons who use the cloak of anonymity offered by the current chaos.
    That chaos has left us with a mass of illegal workers, most of whom have committed no serious crime other than their illegal entry. Despite a record performance on deportations from ICE the past two years, at current rates it would take nearly 70 years to deport all of the estimated 11 million people living here illegally, even if not a single new illegal alien entered our territory.
    Attempting to deport everybody is neither feasible nor wise. Instead, we need to prioritize our enforcement against the small percentage of illegal residents who have established criminal enterprises, committed violent crimes or are associated with terrorism. The overwhelming majority of long-term residents who have maintained employment in the United States without evidence of criminal or terrorist ties should be granted the opportunity to make, in essence, a plea bargain with law enforcement. By paying a stiff fine and undergoing a thorough security check, these individuals can make amends for their mistake without crippling our economy and communities in the process.
    To those who call this amnesty, each day we fail to bring these people out of the shadows is another day of amnesty by default. Each day that passes calls for a comprehensive approach to immigration reform. Each day calls for a long-term plan to legally fill the jobs our economy is creating. Each day calls for us to give our enforcement agencies a fighting chance to detect and deport those who would use our welcoming nature to do us harm.
    All work has dignity. So let us seek a solution with dignity -- as well as practicality and in complement to the character of a nation that brought so many of our citizens and our families here these last 230 years.
   
    Tom Ridge served as governor of Pennsylvania and as the first secretary of the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
   
 

Monday, September 11, 2006

Washington Post:Reaching for Legitimacy in the Immigrant Economy

Reaching for Legitimacy in the Immigrant Economy
Networks Help Illegal Workers Find Jobs, Housing

By S. Mitra Kalita
Washington Post Staff Writer
Sunday, September 10, 2006; A01

Moments before stepping out of a shadowy illegal economy into the light of a more lawful existence, Edy Diaz practiced what he would say.

" Cambiar is 'to change,' right?" he asked, pausing outside his white delivery van. Then he walked into a Wachovia bank and showed his new Social Security card to the branch manager. Slowly and carefully, he explained: "The number you have is wrong."

For more than a decade, Diaz, who was born in Guatemala, had been using a bogus Social Security number, nine digits purchased on a corner in Columbia Heights. He had carried a hand-me-down cellphone, still in the original owner's name. He had "bought" a home in Beltsville by having a cousin put his name on the loan.

Now, on that sunny morning in July, he looked forward to making new financial footprints -- finally, his own.

An estimated 12 million undocumented immigrants live in the United States, creating what is described as an underground or illicit economy. Their finances elude easy classification. They deal with street criminals and with mortgage lenders. They pay taxes. Their vast yet intimate networks help them find jobs, housing, schools and shopper's discount cards.

Each has his own story, or her own system. As a national debate wages over the future of people like Edy Diaz, he and his family illustrate a strategy they have used to survive in the United States, one that allowed him to live in suburban Washington and work illegally for a decade.

A New Identity for $80

That young Edy would emigrate to the United States was something not so much discussed in the Diaz family as it was taken for granted. The third of 11 brothers and sisters, he saw little future on the family farm about 100 miles from Guatemala City. He left school after the sixth grade to work in the corn and coffee fields, and by his 17th birthday the family had saved the $3,500 needed to pay a human smuggler, called a coyote, for his journey to America. They made it clear that, once there, Edy should find work and keep it. "I don't want to hear you got fired because you were lazy," his father said.

Edy Diaz walked for 40 days in a group of 180 people, praying that his sneakers would last. When he arrived in Los Angeles in April 1995, Diaz called his brother, living in Hyattsville, to tell him he'd made it -- and to ask him to wire enough cash for his flight to Washington.

From a relative, Diaz got the name of a person who could take his picture and put it on a fake green card for about $80. They met on a corner in Columbia Heights in Northwest Washington, and the price included an equally fake Social Security card. Diaz took the first job he found: $5.50 an hour to pot plants at a nursery.

Three years into his job, a young Guatemalan at the nursery caught Diaz's eye. She turned to him with questions, like where to find carne asada and fresh produce, and would ask him for rides. She asked everyone to call her Rosie, even though she filled in a different name on her job application. Nobody asked why.

Like about half the illegal immigrants in the United States, Rosa Guzman arrived in the United States legally, on a tourist visa. Her parents were successful restaurateurs on an island off Guatemala's coast, and a friend of theirs pulled some strings to get her the visa, which would expire in six months. Overeducated for her job handing out maps at a tourism center, Guzman was eager for an adventure.

When she got to Washington, Guzman, like Diaz, bought fake papers -- delivered to her at a McDonald's in Adams Morgan. Not wanting to use her real name on phony documents, she picked one she knew she wouldn't forget -- her cousin's -- and she became her for $75.

Within a couple of years of meeting Diaz, they had moved in together. In 2000, Rosa Guzman gave birth to Edy Jose, and the newborn U.S. citizen suddenly gave her and Edy a new connection to this land. Increasingly, the couple began to reconsider their vague hope of returning someday to Guatemala. They questioned what the family would do there. Did Diaz want young Edy Jose to work in the fields? No, he realized, he didn't even want him to work in the plant nursery.

" No hay nada aqui ," Rosa Guzman's parents reminded her in their weekly phone calls from Guatemala. "There is nothing here."

They realized they wanted to stay.

Seeking Legal Status

From the time he began working, Edy Diaz understood he should file tax returns. It would help him achieve legal status if he wanted to remain in this country. Most of the 1 million immigrants in the Washington region, regardless of legal status, pay taxes, according to a study conducted by the Urban Institute -- with undocumented immigrants paying about half what the legal immigrants do.

At first, Diaz didn't file. Every week, his employer deducted an appropriate percentage of his wages for federal taxes, Social Security and workers' compensation -- thousands of dollars, as years went by. But because he was using a fake Social Security number, Diaz didn't expect he'd ever get a dime back in benefits.

In 1999, around the time he met Rosa, he decided to start filing, motivated mostly by his hopes of becoming a legal resident. He approached a notario -- someone who provides such services as legal advice, translation and typing services, largely to Spanish speakers. Diaz's notario was a Dominican with a useful background: He had once worked at the Internal Revenue Service.

With his guidance, Diaz did what millions of undocumented immigrants had done before him: He applied to the IRS for an individual taxpayer identification number, or ITIN, which the agency issues to foreign nationals and others ineligible for Social Security numbers. The agency does not verify an applicant's identity and says the document is only for tax-filing purposes. Critics, such as the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates tighter borders, call the ITIN a "backdoor way" for millions of illegal aliens to receive U.S. government-issued identity numbers.

The IRS counters that the ITIN merely enables the government to collect money from workers who have "responsibilities under the Internal Revenue Code." Internal Revenue Commissioner Mark W. Everson testified to Congress in July: "Our function is tax administration. . . . If someone is working without authorization in this country, he/she is not absolved of tax liability."

Since 1998, Diaz says, he has filled out a 1040 form under his ITIN number every year, even though the W-2 attached to it bears his fake Social Security number. An accountant does the filing for him, and Diaz said nobody has ever asked any questions. In fact, every year he counts on a refund of at least a few thousand dollars.

Diaz said he has also used the ITIN to open bank accounts. For employer-sponsored health insurance, he used the fake Social Security number -- again with no problem. A spokesman for the Social Security Administration said that letters are sent to holders of Social Security numbers suspected of being misused, but if the letters are ignored, the agency has no enforcement power.

For years, Diaz had no idea who was behind the Social Security number, whether it was even a real person's or some arbitrary sequence of digits. It was only in 2000, when he applied for a loan to buy an Acura Integra, that the dealer ran a credit check and told him that the person whose number Diaz had given him was dead.

"But still, I can do something," the dealer said, and went on to process the loan. Diaz asked no questions. He just bought the car.

Diaz asks few questions -- that much he has learned after a decade in this murky economic reality. He says he doesn't like to challenge authority and that people like his lawyer often can't be bothered to explain things, at least in a way he understands.

His memory is fuzzy, he says, on some of the details of the past 11 years. How did he get a driver's license? He's not sure but knows it was easier then than it would be now, with increased scrutiny of illegal immigrants. His wife, Rosa, meanwhile, used her state of Maryland identification and, after shopping around motor vehicle offices, found one outside Baltimore where nobody asked her for a Social Security number.

A Home of Their Own

For years, Diaz and his brothers and many other relatives in this country have turned to the same person for advice and help: Edy's cousin Dimas Diaz.

Dimas, a local organizer with the Service Employees International Union-32BJ, studied English intensely when he arrived in the United States in 1991 and later became a U.S. citizen. He married an American woman he met in Arlington, and they bought a big, modern house in Prince William County.

In early 2004, Edy Diaz came to him with a plea: He and Rosa were married and had had a second child, Gabriela. They were tired of living in a basement and needed more space. He had found a three-bedroom house with a basement apartment in Beltsville -- but he didn't know how to get a mortgage with no legal papers. "It's an amazing deal," he assured Dimas. "I promise I will always pay the mortgage. I just need your name."

Dimas said he'd think about it and talked to his wife. "No," Catherine Diaz said immediately. "He is the most caring and honest of your cousins, but it's too risky."

Everyone else Dimas Diaz asked had the same advice. About to turn Edy down, Dimas was out one day with another cousin, also undocumented. A street beggar approached them. Though bedraggled and apparently homeless, he was obviously native-born.

"I would do anything to be him," the cousin said. "To be a citizen. To speak his English. To have a Social Security number." Moved almost to tears, Dimas decided to give his cousin Edy a taste of the American dream.

The closing was held on their lunch hours. Dimas signed and initialed paper after paper. Edy sat silently beside him. And so Dimas Diaz bought the house on Bellevue Street in Beltsville for $320,000, in name only. It would really be home to Edy, Rosa, Edy Jose and baby Gabriela.

It would also be home, it was soon clear, to many others. To pay the $2,100 monthly mortgage, Edy Diaz had to rent the basement out to a few cousins and his aunt for $1,000. Recent arrivals from Guatemala seemed to flock to them, seeking a place to stay, a few dollars, advice on how to make it. Still, the aunt in the basement meant child care for little Gabriela that was loving and always available.

While many of the immigrants around them dwell on lives left back home -- remittances to Latin America top $13 billion annually -- the Diazes say they send money only on holidays. They're trying to save money for a future here, and their lifestyle reflects that. Alongside floral-patterned couches, family pictures line the shelves in their home, next to knickknacks that exude a sabor that is much more americano than latino. They shop at Costco and Sam's Club. Edy Diaz speaks quite a bit of English, albeit heavily accented, and has been after his wife to learn the language.

Neither has been back home since they left Guatemala -- afraid they might not be allowed to return -- and neither has met the other's parents.

'What a Country We Live In'

In 2001, after Edy had been working at the nursery for six years, his employer agreed to sponsor his green card, which would grant him permanent residence in the United States and the right to live and work here freely. Under a law passed by Congress in late 2000, undocumented immigrants or immigrants who had overstayed visas could apply for green cards if a family member or employer sponsored them -- but they had to do it by April 2001. The result was a surge of green card applications and a backlog of half a million applications, meaning it has not been unusual for applicants to wait for their papers for several years. So, like so many others, Edy Diaz and his family continued living and working on the fringes of the illicit world they knew too well.

One day, in late June, a thin official envelope came in the mail, among the bills and the Fourth of July circulars. Eleven years and two months after walking into the United States, Edy Diaz got his work permit.

He wasted no time applying for a new Social Security number. At the local office in Wheaton, the processor mentioned something that astounded him: Diaz could roll over his earnings and history associated with the old Social Security number into the new one. "What a country we live in, no?" Diaz asked.

Days later, nine new digits arrived.

"These are my fortuna ," Diaz said excitedly, waving the cards and slipping into Spanglish. "Do you know what is fortuna ? It means all my opportunity is right here."

He began the task of cleaning up his finances, shocked at how easy it was. From business to business, Diaz walked in and asked to be recorded under his new ID. At most places, few questions were asked and he was finished in seconds.

"Congratulations," said the man at his Langley Park insurance office, with a knowing look. "Now -- can I interest you in a homeowner's policy to bundle with your car insurance?"

"I'll come back," Edy said.

The Next Step: Citizenship

As Edy Diaz spent this past summer becoming legal, Rosa Guzman waited for her turn. She spent most of her days cleaning houses because of the flexibility it gave her to be home with the children. Her green card application was linked to Edy Diaz's, and she'd been told to expect the work permit by Labor Day. Now she watched enviously as her husband suddenly exuded a certain ease and confidence. He inquired about applying for credit cards, talked about buying a new flat-screen television and a new house.

On the day after Labor Day, it finally arrived: a work permit bearing her real name and photo. Guzman had been anticipating the day for so long that she didn't feel joy as she opened the envelope. Just relief.

Still, she understood how the document changed everything, the giddiness it inspired to plan, to spend, to want. More than her right to work, it represented a future, a fortuna , as her husband had said.

This week, Rosa Guzman begins English classes through a free program offered in Anne Arundel County; she is tired of relying on her husband to navigate life in America. Edy Jose is in first grade now, and Rosa has bought him an electronic English-Spanish translator for $125 to help with his homework. She hopes the device will help her learn, too.

Her goals remain simple: Visit Guatemala, learn enough English to converse freely with her son, find a job cleaning at an embassy, maybe. Edy Diaz's goals, on the other hand, seem limitless: He wants a new house, a big five-bedroom.

They have one goal in common. Both want to become citizens.

Wednesday, September 06, 2006

LA Times Editorial: The Immigration Dodge

EDITORIAL
The Immigration Dodge
Congress is negligently failing to address serious immigration reform. Thankfully.
 
September 6, 2006
 
SOME ISSUES ARE TOO IMPORTANT to address on the eve of an election. That is essentially the message Congress is sending to voters by refusing to take up immigration reform before heading home next month for a campaign-season recess. Republican leaders appear reluctant to reconcile conflicting House and Senate immigration bills passed within the last year.
 
Such inaction amounts to gross negligence. Prodded in part by huge demonstrations in Los Angeles and elsewhere, the nation was transfixed earlier this year by the issue of illegal immigration. The U.S. economy's reliance on millions of undocumented foreign workers is a stain on this nation's respect for democracy and the rule of law. The effort to create a legal avenue for immigrant workers to fill essential jobs is an urgent task that should have been undertaken years ago.
 
That's what President Bush has been saying since his first year in office, and it's an indictment of his leadership that his party's own congressional leaders, after holding their idiotic "how evil are these illegals" hearings this summer, once again feel free to disregard the White House's pleas. More interesting, however, is what the House-Senate split says about a looming schism within the Republican Party.
 
The Senate, after all, passed a somewhat sensible bill that would toughen border policing and workplace verification of legal residency, while expanding guest-worker programs to match willing immigrant workers with jobs that would otherwise go unfilled. The Senate's proposal also would make it possible for many of those already here illegally to obtain legal residency. Although far from ideal, this bill, favored by corporate Republican interests who view the debate mainly as a workforce issue, was rooted in reality and had its priorities straight. The House bill, supposedly championing security, did not address the underlying economic issues, merely opting to treat illegal immigration as a law enforcement matter.
 
The immigration issue also creates some tension for Democrats, particularly among interests for labor, Latinos and African Americans. But congressional inaction is a result of the split within the Republican Party between big business and cultural conservatives. That is one reason the issue will likely be tabled until after the election. Another is that party leaders want to spend every spare moment from now until November taking on Democrats, not fellow Republicans.
 
Such is the state and tenor of the debate that this postponement may actually be good news. Given the extent to which conservative House Republicans eager to demagogue the issue had taken control of the immigration debate, it's probably best that House and Senate members won't be trying to reach a compromise before the election. Worthwhile reform stands a better chance during Congress' lame-duck session after the election, when members (presumably) are concerned less with narrow political interests than with the national interest.
 
 

Tuesday, September 05, 2006

NY Times:G.O.P. Sets Aside Work on Immigration

September 5, 2006
G.O.P. Sets Aside Work on Immigration
By CARL HULSE and RACHEL L. SWARNS
 
WASHINGTON, Sept. 4 — As they prepare for a critical pre-election legislative stretch, Congressional Republican leaders have all but abandoned a broad overhaul of immigration laws and instead will concentrate on national security issues they believe play to their political strength.
 
With Congress reconvening Tuesday after an August break, Republicans in the House and Senate say they will focus on Pentagon and domestic security spending bills, port security legislation and measures that would authorize the administration’s terror surveillance program and create military tribunals to try terror suspects.
 
“We Republicans believe that we have no choice in the war against terror and the only way to do it is to continue to take them head-on whether it is in Iraq or elsewhere,” said Representative John A. Boehner of Ohio, the majority leader.
 
A final decision on what do about immigration policy awaits a meeting this week of senior Republicans. But key lawmakers and aides who set the Congressional agenda say they now believe it would be politically risky to try to advance an immigration measure that would showcase party divisions and need to be completed in the 19 days Congress is scheduled to meet before breaking for the election.
 
President Bush had made comprehensive changes in immigration laws a priority, even making the issue the subject of a prime-time address, but House Republicans have been determined not to move ahead with any legislation that could be construed as amnesty for anyone who entered the country illegally. They held hearings around the country in recent weeks to contrast their enforcement-only bill with a Senate measure that could lead to citizenship for some.
 
“I don’t see how you bridge that divide between us and the Senate,” said Representative Peter T. King, Republican of New York and chairman of the Homeland Security Committee. “I don’t see it happening. I really don’t.”
 
Democrats say they are not surprised by the immigration impasse and believe some Republicans would prefer to keep the issue alive to stir conservative voters rather than reach a legislative solution.
 
They plan to highlight the collapse of immigration legislation sought by Mr. Bush and the likelihood that Congress will not meet an Oct. 1 deadline to pass most required spending bills as evidence that Republicans have lost sight of the concerns of average Americans. The Democrats are also intensifying calls for the dismissal of Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld.
 
“Every day, people around the country recognize that this is a failed administration,” said Senator Harry Reid of Nevada, the Democratic leader. “If Republicans want to spend the whole month on nothing that is relevant to the American people, we are happy to do that.”
 
With Democrats poised to pick up seats in the House and Senate and Republicans determined to hang on to their majorities for the final two years of the Bush administration, the next few weeks promise to be highly combative, particularly after the August primaries made it clear that voters are not in a forgiving mood.
 
In a draft of a planning memorandum to be circulated to Republican senators, Senator Bill Frist of Tennessee, who is entering his last months as majority leader, said, “I expect minority obstructionism to be at an all-time high.” Republicans are already preparing for a post-election session to begin Nov. 13 and run at least up to Thanksgiving.
 
Mr. Frist laid out an ambitious agenda, including a vote on John Bolton’s renomination to be ambassador to the United Nations. But his memorandum did not even mention immigration. In an appearance in Iowa last week, Mr. Frist said broad legislation addressing what to do about millions of illegal immigrants already in the United States might have to await the next Congress.
 
Staff members from the Senate and House Judiciary Committees met last week to try to find some basis for common ground on the fate of the illegal population, but one participant said they made no progress.
 
Representative Mike Pence, the leader of the House conservative caucus and a proponent of an immigration compromise proposal that has attracted some White House interest, said he was also doubtful that legislation would reach Mr. Bush’s desk before the elections.
 
“Anything’s possible,” said Mr. Pence, Republican of Indiana, “but that’s probably not likely.”
 
Lawmakers of both parties who helped shape the Senate measure insisted that consensus was still within reach, even on the more difficult immigration issues, and immigrant advocacy groups are planning a series of marches this week to prod lawmakers to take action. Some Republicans warned that their party could suffer politically if it falls short.
 
“If there’s not legislation with Republicans in charge,” said Senator Arlen Specter of Pennsylvania, chairman of the Judiciary Committee, “there’s going to be blame here, and justifiable blame, if we do not produce a bill.”
 
Two other senators who played a leading role in writing the Senate bill, John McCain, Republican of Arizona, and Edward M. Kennedy, Democrat of Massachusetts, intend to urge Mr. Bush to bring lawmakers to the White House to broker a resolution.
 
“We can get the job done, but it’s going to require presidential leadership,” Mr. Kennedy said.
 
With the immigration measure seemingly stalled, Republicans say they will put most of their time and energy into security-oriented measures to drive home a theme that has served them well in the last two elections — that they are better equipped to thwart terrorism than are Democrats.
 
“They’ll wave the white flag in the war on terror,” Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the No. 2 Republican in the Senate, said Sunday of the Democrats on the CBS News program “Face the Nation.”
 
But Democrats believe that voters will not be easily persuaded by the Republican push on national security and that the public increasingly sees the Iraq war as an impediment to the war on terror.
 
In a letter to Mr. Bush on Monday, the Democratic leaders of the House and Senate urged him to begin pulling American troops out of Iraq this year.
 
“Mr. President, staying the course in Iraq has not worked and continues to divert resources and attention from the war on terrorism that should be the nation’s top security priority,” said the letter signed by Mr. Reid and Representative Nancy Pelosi of California, the Democratic leader, as well as the senior Democrats on relevant committees.
 
The Democrats also urged Mr. Bush to fire Mr. Rumsfeld, and they intend to try to force no-confidence votes in coming days that could put Republicans on the spot, given statements by some in the party that Mr. Rumsfeld should resign. But the leadership remains supportive.
 
“I doubt there is any other American who could have done a better job over the last five years,” Mr. Boehner said of the defense secretary.
 
Since they will not finish the spending bills on time, Republican leaders will have to push through a stopgap measure to keep the government running through the election. But Republicans do hope to advance some nonsecurity measures. The major legislation on the floor in the House this week is a bill that would ban trading in horses to be slaughtered for human consumption.